Hair - Free Love movements

The term free love has been used since at least the 19th century to describe a social movement that rejects marriage, which is seen as a form of social bondage, especially for women. The Free Love movement’s initial goal was to separate the state from sexual matters such as marriage, birth control, and adultery. It claimed that such issues were the concern of the people involved, and no one else. Much of the free-love tradition is an offshoot of anarchism, and reflects a civil libertarian philosophy that seeks freedom from state regulation and church interference in personal relationships. According to this concept, the free unions of adults are legitimate relations which should be respected by all third parties whether they are emotional or sexual relations. In addition, some free-love writing has argued that both men and women have the right to sexual pleasure. In the Victorian era, this was a radical notion. Later, a new theme developed, linking free love with radical social change, and depicting it as a harbinger of a new anti-authoritarian, anti-repressive pacifist sensibility.
Many people in the early 19th century believed that marriage was an important aspect of life to “fulfill earthly human happiness.” Middle-class Americans wanted the home to be a place of stability in an uncertain world. This mentality created a vision on strongly defined gender roles, which lead to the advancement of the free love movement.
While the phrase free love is often associated with promiscuity in the popular imagination, especially in reference to the counterculture of the 1960s and 1970s, historically the free-love movement has not advocated multiple sexual partners or short-term sexual relationships. Rather, it has argued that love relations that are freely entered into should not be regulated by law. Thus, free-love practice may include long-term monogamous relationships or even celibacy, but would not include institutional forms of polygamy, such as a king and his wives and concubines.
The term “sex radical” is also used with the term “free lover” although being referred, as a sex radical is what most people liked to be called; the term “free love” often had a negative connotation. Even though they had different names, they still fought for the same rights. No matter what they called themselves, these people shared two strong beliefs: opposition to the idea of forceful sexual activity in a relationship and advocacy for a woman to use her body in any way that she pleases.
Laws of particular concern to free love movements have included those that prevent an unmarried couple from living together, and those that regulate adultery and divorce, as well as age of consent, birth control, homosexuality, abortion, and prostitution; although not all free love advocates agree on these issues. The abrogation of individual rights in marriage is also a concern—for example, some jurisdictions do not recognize spousal rape or treat it less seriously than non-spousal rape. Free-love movements since the 19th century have also defended the right to publicly discuss sexuality and have battled obscenity laws.
In 1857, Francis Barry wrote that “marriage is a system of rape.” He states that the woman is a victim where she can do nothing but be oppressed by her husband, as he tortures her in her home, which becomes a house of bondage. In one of his articles, Francis Barry wrote:
“‘The Object of this [women’s emancipation] Society,’ according to article two of its [free love] constitution, ‘shall be to secure absolute freedom to woman, through the overthrow of the popular system of marriage.’”
In the 20th century, some free-love proponents extended the critique of marriage to argue that marriage as a social institution encourages emotional possessiveness and psychological enslavement.[citation needed]
The Free Love movement mostly consisted of written articles, journals, and newspapers. The written word was what the free love movement chose to persuade their audience with; an act of civil disobedience.

Hair = Free Love and Women's movement

The history of free love is entwined with the history of feminism. From the late 18th century, leading feminists, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, have challenged the institution of marriage, and many have advocated its abolition.
Mary Wollstonecraft was one of the first women to contribute to the free love movement with her literary works. Her novels criticized the social construction of marriage and its effects on women. In her first novel, Mary: A Fiction written in 1788, the heroine is forced into a loveless marriage for economic reasons. She finds love in relationships with another man and a woman. The novel, Maria: or, The Wrongs of Woman written in 1798, but never published, revolves around the story of a woman imprisoned in an asylum by her husband; Maria finds fulfillment outside of marriage, in an affair with a fellow inmate. Mary makes it clear that women “had strong sexual desires and that it was degrading and immoral to pretend otherwise."
A married woman was solely a wife and mother, denying her the opportunity to pursue other occupations; sometimes this was legislated, as with bans on married women and mothers in the teaching profession. In 1855, free love advocate Mary Gove Nichols described marriage as the "annihilation of women," explaining that women were considered to be men's property in law and public sentiment, making it possible for tyrannical men to deprive their wives of all freedom. For example, the law allowed a husband to physically discipline his wife. In response, free love feminists stressed the anarchist concept of self-ownership in the context of sexual self-determination. Free love advocates like Nichols argued that many children are born into unloving marriages out of compulsion, but should instead be the result of choice and affection—yet children born out of wedlock did not have the same rights as children with married parents.
Sex, to proponents of free love, was not only about reproduction. Access to birth control was considered a means to women's independence, and leading birth-control activists like Margaret Sanger also embraced free love.
In the 1850’s, Hannah R. Brown contributed to the journal, the “Una,” made lecture tours, and edited her personal journal, “the Agitator.” In one of her articles, she stated, “the woman is regarded as a sort of appendage to the goods and glories [of a man].” She advocated that true marriages could be formed if only women were allowed to choose freely.
Francis Barry was also a prominent advocate for the free love movement in the middle to late 1800’s. He agreed that marriage socially bound a woman to a man, and that women should be free. Although this movement largely concerned women, the chief organizers were mostly men, one of them being Francis Barry. This helped foster a male ideology, and proved to women, such as Mary Gove Nichols and Victoria Woodhull that men were just as serious as they were about this issue. Although men were the main contributors to the organized and written part of the free love movement, the movement itself was still associated with loud and flashy women. There were two reasons for why free love was more agreeable to men. The first reason was that women lost more than men did, if marriage were to become “undermined.” The second reason was that free love “rested on the faith in individualism,” a quality that most women were afraid or unable to accept.
In 1857, Minerva Putnam complained that, “in the discussion of free love, no woman has attempted to give her views on the subject.” There were six books during this time that endorsed the concept of free love. Of the four major free love periodicals following the civil war, only two of them had female editors. Mary Gove Nichols was the leading female advocate, and the woman who most people looked up to, for the free love movement. She wrote her autobiography, which became the first case against marriage written from a woman’s point of view.
Many of the leaders of first-wave feminism attacked free love. To them, women's suffering could be traced to the moral degradation of men, and by contrast, women were portrayed as virtuous and in control of their passions, and they should serve as a model for men's behavior. Some feminists of the late 20th century would interpret the free-love ethic of the 1960s and 1970s as a manipulative strategy against a woman's ability to say no to sex.
Sex radicals remained focused on their attempts to uphold a woman’s right to control her body and to freely discuss issues such as contraception, marital sex abuse (emotional and physical), and sexual education. These people believed that by talking about female sexuality, they would help empower women. To help achieve this goal, sex radicals relied on the written word, books, pamphlets, and periodicals. This method helped these people sustain this movement for over 50 years, and helped spread their message all over the United States.
In recent years, women have created works of art to help keep the free love movement alive, often in ways that even the artist does not realize. Sara Bareilles’ songs, “Fairytale” and “Love Song” are modern examples of how women are participating in the Free Love movement; although, artists such as Sara Bareilles do not write their songs specifically for the Free Love movement.
The famous feminist, Gloria Steinem at one point stated, “you became a semi-nonperson when you got married.” She also famously coined the expression 'A woman needs a man like a fish needs a bicycle,' Steinem dismissed marriage in 1987 as not having a 'good name.' Steinem got married in 2000, stating that the symbols that feminists once “rebelled against” now are freely chosen, or society had changed.

Character Analysis - Claude Hooper

Claude Hooper Bukowski is a naive Oklahoman sent off to see the sites of New York before beginning his enlistment in the Army. On his arrival he observes a group of hippies lead by George Berger begging for change from a trio of horseback riders. Later Claude catches the runaway horse the hippies have rented and uses it to show off his riding skills to one of the trio of strangers--an upper class débutante. While returning the horse to the hippies, Claude accepts their invitation to be shown around.
In the course of an evening Claude gets stoned then is introduced to the race and class issues of the 1960's. On the morning after, George finds a scrap of newspaper identifying the mysterious girl. The group including Hud, Jeannie and Woof crash a private party where the girl--Sheila Franklin --secretly enjoys the disruption of her rigid environment. After the group is arrested, Claude uses the only money he has to pay George's fine so that George can find the funds to get the rest of them released.
For their next adventure, the group attends a peace rally in Central Park where Claude drops acid. When Jeannie proposes they get married to keep Claude out of the Army and Sheila shows up to apologize, Claude's "trip" reflects his internal conflict over which world he belongs in--his own native Oklahoman farm culture, the upper class society of Sheila or the free-wheeling world of the hippies.
When his trip is over, Claude and the hippies have a falling out over both a mean trick they pull on Sheila (taking her clothes while she's skinny-dipping, which then leads to Sheila being completely humiliated when she has no choice but to hail a cab completely naked) and their philosophical differences over the war in Vietnam and personal versus community responsibility. In the end Claude goes through with his original plan and reports to the draft board. He begins his enlistment in the Army and makes it through basic training.
When Claude writes to Sheila from his training camp, she seeks out George and his group to share the news. George begins to cook up a scheme to visit Claude in Nevada.
George infiltrates the Army base, finds Claude and reveals himself. When Claude refuses to leave for fear of being found missing during a headcount, George schemes to take his place long enough for Claude to visit with the others waiting in the desert.
While Claude is away, the base, which has been on alert, becomes fully activated with immediate ship-outs to Vietnam. George, unwilling to reveal the Claude is awol, boards the plane to Vietnam in Claude's stead. Claude arrives too late to slip back into his place.

Movements in the movie Hair = Counterculture

Counterculture opposed to dominant culture. Sociological term used to describe the values and norms of behavior of a cultural group, or subculture, that run counter to those of the social mainstream of the day, the cultural equivalent of political opposition. It is a neologism attributed to Theodore Roszak.
Although distinct countercultural undercurrents have existed in many societies, here the term "counterculture" refers to a more significant, visible phenomenon that reaches critical mass, flowers, and persists for a period of time. A countercultural movement expresses the ethos, aspirations, and dreams of a specific population during an era — a social manifestation of zeitgeist.It is important to distinguish between "counterculture", "subculture" and "fringe culture".
Countercultural milieux in 19th-century Europe included the traditions of Romanticism, Bohemianism and of the Dandy. Another movement existed in a more fragmentary form in the 1950s, both in Europe and the US, in the form of the Beat generation, or Beatniks, followed in the 1960s by the hippies and anti-vietnam war protesters.
The term 'counterculture' came to prominence in the news media as it was used to refer to the social revolution that swept North America, Western Europe, Japan, Australia and New Zealand during the 1960s and early 1970s.

Some movements in the movie Hair = Black Power

Black Power is a political slogan and a name for various associated ideologies. It is used in the movement among people of Black African descent throughout the world, primarily African Americans in the United States.[2] Most prominent in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the movement emphasized racial pride and the creation of black political and cultural institutions to nurture and promote black collective interests, advance black values, and secure black autonomy.
"Black Power" expresses a range of political goals, from defense against racial oppression, to the establishment of separate social institutions and a self-sufficient economy (separatism). Not only did this "Black Power" movement encourage separatism, but it helped usher in black radical thought, and action against what was considered to be an elusive, yet visible higher power, also known as white supremacy. The earliest known usage of the term is found in a 1954 book by Richard Wright titled Black Power. The first use of the term in a political sense may have been by Robert F. Williams, an NAACP chapter president, writer, and publisher of the 1950s and 1960s.[citation needed] New York politician Adam Clayton Powell Jr. used the term on May 29, 1966 during a baccalaureate address at Howard University: "To demand these God-given rights is to seek black power."

A range of ideology

Some Black Power adherents believe in Black autonomy, with a variety of tendencies such as black nationalism, and black separatism. Often Black Power advocates are open to use violence as a means of achieving their aims, but this openness to violence was nearly always coupled with community organizing work. Such positions were for the most part in direct conflict with those of leaders of the mainstream Civil Rights Movement, and thus the two movements have often been viewed as inherently antagonistic. However, certain groups and individuals participated in both civil rights and black power activism.
Not all Black Power advocates were in favor of black nationalism and black separatism. While Stokely Carmichael and SNCC were in favor of black nationalism, organizations such as the Black Panther Party for Self Defense were not. Though they considered themselves to be at war with a power structure that was indeed all white, they were not at war with all Whites, merely the individuals in the existing power structure, who happened to be all white.
Bobby Seale, Chairman and Co-Founder of the Black Panther Party for Self Defense, was outspoken about this. His stand was that the oppression of black people was more of a result of economic exploitation than anything innately racist. In his book Seize the Time, he states that "In our view it is a class struggle between the massive proletarian working class and the small, minority ruling class. Working-class people of all colors must unite against the exploitative, oppressive ruling class. So let me emphasize again -- we believe our fight is a class struggle and not a race struggle." Bayard Rustin, an elder statesman of the Civil Rights Movement, was a harsh critic of Black Power in its earliest days. Writing in 1966, shortly after the March Against Fear, Rustin said that Black Power “not only lacks any real value for the civil rights movement, but [...] its propagation is positively harmful. It diverts the movement from a meaningful debate over strategy and tactics, it isolates the Negro community, and it encourages the growth of anti-Negro forces.” He particularly criticized the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and SNCC for their turn toward Black Power, arguing that these two organizations once “awakened the country, but now they emerge isolated and demoralized, shouting a slogan that may afford a momentary satisfaction but that is calculated to destroy them and their movement."
Internationalist offshoots of black power include African Internationalism, pan-Africanism, black nationalism, and black supremacy.

Impact on Black Politics

Though the Black Power movement did not immediately remedy the political problems faced by African Americans in the 1960s and '70s, the movement did contribute to the development of black politics both directly and indirectly. As a contemporary of and successor to the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Power movement created, what sociologist Herbert H. Haines refers to as a “positive radical flank effect” on political affairs of the 1960s. Though the nature of the relationship between the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power movement is contested, Haines’ study of the relationship between black radicals and the mainstream civil rights movement indicates that Black Power generated a “crisis in American institutions which made the legislative agenda of ‘polite, realistic, and businesslike’ mainstream organizations” more appealing to politicians. In this way, it can be argued that the more strident and oppositional messages of the Black Power movement indirectly enhanced the bargaining position of more moderate activists. Black Power activists approached politics with vitality, variety, wit, and creativity that shaped the way future generations approached dealing with America’s societal problems (McCartney 188). These activists capitalized on the nation’s recent awareness of the political nature of oppression, a primary focus of the Civil Rights Movement, developing numerous political action caucuses and grass roots community associations to remedy the situation.
The National Black Political Convention, held March 10-12, 1972, was a significant milestone in black politics of the Black Power era. Held in Gary, Indiana, a majority black city, the convention included a diverse group of black activists, although it completely excluded Whites. The convention was criticized for its racial exclusivity by Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, a group that supported integration. The delegates created a National Black Political Agenda with stated goals including the election of a proportionate number of black representatives to Congress, community control of schools, national health insurance, etc. Though the convention did not result in any direct policy, the convention advanced goals of the Black Power movement and left participants buoyed by a spirit of possibility and themes of unity and self-determination. A concluding note to the convention, addressing its supposed idealism, read: “At every critical moment of our struggle in America we have had to press relentlessly against the limits of the ‘realistic’ to create new realities for the life of our people. This is our challenge at Gary and beyond, for a new Black politics demands new vision, new hope and new definitions of the possible. Our time has come. These things are necessary. All things are possible.” Though such political activism may not have resulted in direct policy, they provided political models for later movements, advanced a pro-black political agenda, and brought sensitive issues to the forefront of American politics. In its confrontational and often oppositional nature, the Black Power movement, started a debate within the black community and America as a nation over issues of racial progress, citizenship, and democracy, namely “the nature of American society and the place of the African American in it.” The continued intensity of debate over these same social and political issues is a tribute to the impact of the Black Power movement in arousing the political awareness and passions of citizens.

Music Analysis - Aquarius = Hair

Aquarius - Hair

• Repetição
• Paralelismo
• Referência Exofórica
• Referência Anafórica

When the moon is in the Seventh House
And Jupiter aligns with Mars
Then peace will guide the planets
And love will steer the stars

This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius
The age of Aquarius
Aquarius!
Aquarius!

Harmony and understanding
Sympathy and trust abounding
No more falsehoods or derisions
Golding living dreams of visions
Mystic crystal revalation
And the mind's true liberation
Aquarius!
Aquarius!

When the moon is in the Seventh House
And Jupiter aligns with Mars
Then peace will guide the planets
And love will steer the stars

This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius
The age of Aquarius
Aquarius!
Aquarius!

Harmony and understanding
Sympathy and trust abounding
No more falsehoods or derisions
Golding living dreams of visions
Mystic crystal revalation
And the mind's true liberation
Aquarius!
Aquarius!

John Savage

John Savage (born John Youngs; August 25, 1949) is an American film actor, producer, production manager, and composer.
His first major film role was as Steven in the 1978 film, The Deer Hunter, the story of a group of Russian American steel workers during the Vietnam War.
One of his most famous roles was as Claude Bukowski in the film Hair (1979). He had a brief role in Terrence Malick's war epic, The Thin Red Line.
In recent years he has been seen on the small as well as the big screen. He was the recurring character of Donald Lydecker in the first and second seasons of Dark Angel and portrayed Captain Ransom in the two part episode "Equinox" from Star Trek: Voyager.
Another recurring role found him as Henry Scudder in the HBO-produced television series Carnivàle. In 2005, he appeared on Law & Order: Special Victims Unit. Most recently[when?], he has lent his voice to a monologue on the title track of the album, This Town, by Steve Smith of Dirty Vegas. In September 2009, he appeared in the second episode of Season 2 of the Fox network drama Fringe.
Savage was born in Old Bethpage, New York, the son of Muriel, a homemaker, and Floyd Youngs, who worked in insurance sales.[1] His sister is Boston-based radio and television personality Robin Young. His brother is actor Jim Youngs. He is also the father of actress/singer Jennifer Youngs and her brother Lachlan. He has a grandson, Zolan Kanno-Youngs.

Filmography:

• Bad Company (1972)
• The Killing Kind (1973)
• Steelyard Blues (1973)
• The Sister In-Law (1974)
• All the Kind Strangers (1974)
• The Deer Hunter (1978)
• Hair (1979)
• The Onion Field (1979)
• Inside Moves (1980)
• Cattle Annie and Little Britches (1981)
• The Amateur (1981)
• Coming out of the Ice (1982)
• Vengeance of a Soldier (1984)
• Maria's Lovers (1984)
• Nairobi Affair (1984)
• The Little Sister (1985)
• Silent Witness (1985)
• Salvador (1986)
• Hotel Colonial (1987)
• Beauty and the Beast (1987)
• Caribe (1987)
• The Beat (1988)
• Do the Right Thing (1989)
• The Godfather Part III (1990)
• Mountain of Diamonds (1991)
• Hunting (1991)
• Door to Silence (1991)
• Primary Motive (1992)
• CIA II: Target Alexa (1993)
• The Dangerous (1994)
• Killing Obsession (1994)
• Deadly Weapon (1994)
• Berlin '39 (1994)
• Shattered Image (1994)
• Red Scorpion 2 (1994)
• The Takeover (1995)
• Fatal Choice (1995)
• Firestorm (1995)
• Carnosaur 2 (1995)
• OP Center (1995)
• The Crossing Guard (1995)
• Amnesia (1996)
• White Squall (1996)
• One Good Turn (1996)
• Where Truth Lies (1996)
• American Strays (1996)
• The Mouse (1996)
• Flynn (1997)
• Little Boy Blue (1997)
• Hollywood Safari (1997)
• Hostile Intent (1997)
• A Corner of Paradise (1997)
• Before Women Had Wings (1997)
• Club Vampire (1998)
• Nightworld: Lost Souls (1998)
• The Thin Red Line (1998)
• Christina's House (1999)
• Message in a Bottle (1999)
• The Jack Bull (1999)
• Summer of Sam (1999)
• Equinox (Star Trek: Voyager) (1999) (TV - 2 part episode)
• The Virginian (2000)
• They Nest (2000)
• Dark Angel (2000-2001) (TV series)
• Dead Man's Run (2001)
• Redemption of the Ghost (2002)
• The Anarchist Cookbook (2002)
• Intoxicating (2003)
• Easy Sex (2003)
• Carnivàle (2003-2005) (TV series)
• Shortcut to Happiness (2004)
• Alien Lockdown (2004)
• Sucker Free City (2004)
• Admissions (2004)
• Aimée Price (2005)
• Iowa (2005)
• Confessions of a Pit Fighter (2005)
• Love's Long Journey (2005)
• The New World (2005)
• The Drop (2006)
• Kill Your Darlings (2006)
• Shut Up and Shoot! (2006)
• Downtown: A Street Tale (2007)
• The Violent Kind (2008)
• The Attic (2008)
• The Golden Boys (2008)
• The Grift (2008)
• From a Place of Darkness (2008)
• The Thacker Case (2008)
• The Red Canvas (2009)
• Handsome Harry (2009)
• Buffalo Bushido (2009)
• Anytown (2009)
• Bereavement (2009)
• Nephilim (2009)